LIVING CONDITIONS AND MATERNAL
AND CHILD HEALTH
Ricardo
Batista Moliner, MD [1] [1];
Gisele Coutin Marie MD
[2] [2]
Dr. Pablo Feal Cañizares MD
[3] [3]
ABSTRACT:
The identification of health inequalities and their correlation
with socioeconomic factors is a frequently raised issue.
In Cuba, social
development and achievements in public health have favored
the reduction of the great disparities among people with
unequal living conditions before 1959. However, differences
in the behavior of some health indicators still exist. Using
a correlation analysis between a living condition index
and maternal and child health indicators, we have conducted
a study to explore maternal and child health inequalities
among Cuba’s municipalities
and their correlation with living conditions there. We calculated
and compared infant mortality, low birth weight, and fetal
and maternal mortality for each municipality for the period
1997-1999. We found that the municipalities with least favorable
living conditions had the worst results among the health
indicators studied. These differences were especially significant
regarding infant mortality, low birth weight, and fetal
mortality.
Introduction
In recent years, the international scientific community,
particularly those devoted to studying and tackling public
health problems or working with health authorities in various
countries, have emphasized the need to identify and deal with
health inequalities in the world population.
In the 1990s, public health research and publications, including
ones with a purely biomedical or clinical approach, carried
multiple studies of the inequalities existing among various
groups and communities in many countries and regions of the
world, as well as the link between certain characteristics
of those populations and their health status or specific health
problems.
Demographic, ethnic, physical, and social factors have largely
been documented as determinants in the health status of a
population.1,2 In this sense, great importance is given to
the role of social factors, especially living conditions,
which are defined as "the objective conditions in which
people lead their social and individual lives; which have
been classified into three main groups: working conditions,
family conditions, and community conditions.” 3 Thus living
conditions are the sum of the processes that characterize
and reproduce the particular form of each population group’s
participation in the functioning of the whole society; i.e.
, the production, distribution, and consumption of goods and
services created by the society, as well as its particular
power relations.
References to the correlation between health and living conditions
date from ancient times. In the 2nd century N.E. , Galen stated:
"…the life of many individuals is affected by the particularities
of their occupation…some live this way because of poverty.”
4 This situation was evident during slavery and the Middle
Ages.
The works of important philosophers and medical thinkers
of the 18th and 19th centuries, reflected the fact that the
situation of the poorer classes was dramatically worse than
that of the bourgeoisie or people with a more favorable economic
position. This is also reflected by Engels, who exposed the
poor living conditions of the English proletariat in industrial
cities, and the impact of these on their health.5 From this
period, there is another important work by the renowned English
physician William Farr who, in 1885, published a valuable
vital statistics report that corroborated Engels’ statements,
establishing that people with different living conditions
(sanitation, water supply, economical situation, etc. ) had
different mortality patterns.6
In spite of the fact that numerous scientific and technological
advances have been introduced into medical sciences during
the 20th century, they do not reach all those who need them,
and the conditions in which people live continue to determine
differences in their health status; not even civilized and
developed Europe escapes this situation.7
In Latin America, the deterioration of living conditions
as a result of neoliberal policies, keeps most of the impoverished
population immersed in a permanent health crisis. Numerous
studies carried out in this region clearly demonstrate this
situation.8-10
Before 1959, the situation in Cuba
was similar to that of other countries in the region. However,
the revolution brought about major changes aimed at eliminating
unequal living conditions in the Cuban population, the majority
of which suffered terrible health problems. The socioeconomic
transformations carried out by the Cuban government, including
the equitable distribution of the national income; as well
as the implementation of fair and comprehensive development
policies throughout the country, providing equal basic services
and integral development opportunities to all (education,
health, culture, recreation, work, etc. ) are aimed at diminishing
inequalities among the country’s regions and communities,
especially the least developed ones.
Cuba’s social policy
strategy has been essentially directed at the elimination
of inequalities and, chiefly of one of its worse expressions:
inequities in human reproduction and well-being. The first
actions taken by the Cuban government included those focused
on maternal and child health; as well as massive literacy
and education campaigns, along with an integral plan for the
construction of schools and primary healthcare centers. Top
priority was given to rural areas, where overall sanitation
and housing policies were also implemented.
One of the cornerstones of Cuba’s
social policy, aimed at eliminating inequalities, was the
improvement of women’s living conditions, which unquestionably
has had an impact on subsequent changes in the reproductive
health of the Cuban population.
This policy has significantly improved the living conditions
of the population. However, in spite of the Cuban government’s
efforts, inequalities in living conditions still persist in
some areas that, in turn, have an effect on their population’s
health status.
Recent studies conducted by Cuban authors like Amaro Guerra
and Villorio Sánchez, at the Cuban Institute for Domestic
Demand, have focused on the identification of health status
inequalities in regions with different levels of socioeconomic
development.11-13
Maternal and child health care are among the areas in which
the reduction of inequalities in regional living conditions,
and the resulting reduction of health status differences,
have had an unquestionable impact. The implementation and
consolidation of the Cuban Maternal-Child Program in the early
1970s gave top priority to actions dealing with the delivery
of healthcare to these two population groups, which has become
one of the major achievements of Cuban society.
Infant mortality has declined in an almost lineal progression
from approximately 60 per 1,000 live births, in the late 1950s,
to 6.4, at the end of 1999. A look at this indicator by provinces
and regions between 1980 and 1999, reveals a progressive decrease
in the differences between the maximum and the minimum rates
for each province as compared with the national rate, thus
approaching the national global figure (Figure 1).
Figure 1. Maximum and Minimum Provincial
Infant Mortality Rates Compared with National Rates.
Other indicators of infant and maternal health also follow
this pattern. For example, changes in the national fertility
rate before and after 1959 reveal a reduction of differences
between urban and rural areas.14
An indicator that intuitively reveals the correlation between
the level of socioeconomic development and living conditions
is low birth weight (LBW), which in turn has an impact on
mortality rates. Low birth weight has also shown a clear tendency
to descend, with a brief oscillating interference during the
most critical years of the special period (the period of Cuba’s
harshest economic crisis). This reaffirms the correlation
between this indicator and socioeconomic changes.
Although the efforts of the Cuban government to further reduce
inequalities are patent, as well as the unquestionable advances
and positive results in the main maternal and child health
indicators, it is still unknown whether still-existing differences
in the levels of maternal and child health among the country’s
municipalities are related to the living conditions of their
populations. We presume that there are still differences in
some of these indexes that are the expression of variations
in the living conditions of the inhabitants in each region.
In order to corroborate our hypothesis we have tried to determine
the existence of differences in the levels of maternal and
child health among the country’s municipalities, which have
been divided into strata, based on the characteristics of
their living conditions.
Objectives
Identify differences in the levels of maternal and child
health among municipalities belonging to the same stratum
of living conditions.
Determine the maternal and child health indicators that are
most affected in territories with least favorable living conditions.
Detect associations among the health indicators evaluated
in each stratum studied.
Method
Ecological comparative study of multiple groups of population
(municipalities)
For our study, we gathered data on a group of maternal and
child health indicators from available sources at the municipal
level and compared their distribution, taking into consideration
the living condition stratum in each case. Moreover, we evaluated
the correlation among some of these indicators in each stratum.
The indicators used were:
- Infant mortality (deaths per 1,000 live births)
- Low birth weight: LBW (percentage of total live births)
- Maternal mortality (deaths per 10,000 live births)
- Fetal mortality (deaths per 1,000 live births)
- Percentage of abortions (abortions for every 100 births)
Data on each variable was obtained at each municipality
from the preliminary reports of the corresponding Provincial
Statistics Division for the years studied (1997-1999).
To classify the municipalities into strata, based on their
living conditions, we used a synthetic indicator: the living
condition index (LCI), which was calculated processing a
group of selected variables to make the concept of living
conditions workable, thus grouping municipalities into three
strata according to their LCI (Astrain Rdguez ME, Gran Alvarez
M, Alonso Aloma I, Sánchez Labrada H. Construcción de un
índice de condiciones de vida. Havana, Facultad de Salud
Publica,1998). In this classification, Stratum I includes
the municipalities with the best socioeconomic conditions
(based on the variables studied) and Stratum III, those
with least favorable conditions.
The variables used were:
-
Apartments
-
Huts
-
Percentage of population with running
water
-
Percentage of population with flush
toilets
-
Housing in good condition
-
Type 4 housing (wooden with cardboard
or thatched roof)
-
Physician per inhabitants
-
Immigration-emigration ratio
-
Women of working age who are employed
In order to carry out comparisons between the strata we used
the chi-square test, and calculated the Pearson correlation
coefficient to detect associations among the parameters used
in the study. Statistical calculations were carried out using
the EPIDAT 2.0 software package.
Results
The classification of the country’s municipalities into strata
according to their living conditions is shown in Table 1.
As shown in this table, almost 40% of the country’s municipalities
belong to stratum III (with least favorable living conditions,
in contrast with the ones in the other two strata).
Table 1. Classification of municipalities
according to living conditions. Cuba
1998
| Stratum |
No.
of Municipalities |
% |
|
I |
54 |
31.9 |
|
II |
49 |
28.9 |
|
III |
66 |
39.1 |
The fertility rate was higher in stratum II municipalities,
followed by stratum III ones. (Table 2), stratum I has the
lowest rate in spite of the fact that 47.3% of women of fertile
age live in these municipalities.
Table 2. Fertility rates by stratum Cuba
1997-1999
|
Stratum |
Live
Births |
Women
of Ages
15 to 49 |
Fertility
per
1,000 live births |
|
I |
211,949 |
2,220,517 |
95.45 |
|
II |
112,090 |
1,135,894 |
98.68 |
|
III |
129,679 |
1,340,655 |
96.73 |
Infant Mortality
Infant mortality is a highly sensitive indicator of a nation’s
health development level and of the health status of the population.15
In the three years studied, a total of 454,546 births occurred
in the country, of which 3,134 died. This accounted for a
mortality rate of 6.8 per 1,000 live births in that period,
the municipality with the highest infant mortality being Cauto
Cristo (15.8 per 1,000 live births). Candelaria had the lowest
(1.12 per 1,000 live births).
A global analysis of living conditions by stratum showed
significant differences among them. The most unfavorable behavior
of infant mortality rate was found in stratum III, with a
global rate of 7.64 per 1,000 live births. In the other strata,
this indicator remained below 7 per 1,000 live births (Table
3).
Table 3. — Infant mortality by stratum.
Cuba 1997-1999.
|
Stratum |
Deaths |
Mortality
Rate per 1,000 live births |
|
I |
1,446 |
6.82 |
|
II |
688 |
6.13 |
|
III |
991 |
7.64 |
x2 = 20.3 p= 0.000043
Low Birth Weight
This indicator has been consistently associated with infant
mortality.16-18 In Cuba, numerous studies have also confirmed
this finding.19-22 In our study, although significant differences
among the strata were observed, the highest low birth weight
rate was found in stratum III municipalities (6.88%), and
the lowest, in stratum II ones (Table 4).
Table 4. — Low birth weight rate by stratum.
Cuba 1997-1999.
|
Stratum |
Low Birth
Weight |
(%) |
|
I |
14,466 |
6.82 |
|
II |
7,268 |
6.48 |
|
III |
8,923 |
6.88 |
x2 = 17.79 2 gl p= 0.000125
Fetal Mortality
As with the above indicators, the highest fetal mortality
rate was found in stratum III municipalities (12.58 per 1,000
live births), while the lowest was observed in stratum I ones
(11.25). In this case, significant differences among the three
strata were found (Table 5).
Table 5. — Fetal mortality by stratum. Cuba
1997-1999.
| Stratum |
Fetal
Deaths |
Rate
per 1,000 live births |
|
I |
2,384 |
11.25 |
|
II |
1,279 |
11.41 |
|
III |
1,632 |
12.48 |
x2 = 13.34 p= 0.00127
Maternal Mortality
No significant differences among strata were found regarding
maternal mortality, in spite of being the variable that showed
the largest gaps among the three strata. Stratum III municipalities
also showed the worst results in this indicator, with a rate
of 38.55 per 100,000 live births—higher than that of the country
in the same period (31.73 per 100,000 live births).
Table 6. — Maternal mortality by stratum.
Cuba 1997-1999.
|
Stratum |
Maternal
Deaths |
Rate
per 100,000 live births |
|
I |
64 |
30.2 |
|
II |
30 |
26.8 |
|
III |
50 |
38.5 |
x2 = 2.93 p= 0.2307
A correlation analysis among some of the indicators studied
and infant mortality indicates, overall , that there is a
strong correlation between low birth weight and under one
year mortality (r= 0.9459), between fetal death and postnatal
death (r=0.8811). Maternal mortality did not show an important
link with infant mortality.
It was in stratum III that the highest coefficient between
the first two of these variables (low birth weight and under
one year mortality) and infant mortality was found, which
was, higher that 0.9, for both variables.
Discussion
As we have already said, infant and maternal health is a
priority for the Cuban government and healthcare system. Moreover,
there is a high level of awareness in the community regarding
the importance of care to these population groups. However,
as shown by the health indicators used in our study, relevant
differences are still found.
Just as we expected, the highest rates of these indicators
were found in stratum III municipalities (the ones with least
favorable living conditions). Studies conducted some years
ago also showed that stratum III municipalities had the highest
mortality rate,23 and our study has corroborated these findings.
Of the ten municipalities with higher infant mortality rates,
seven belong to stratum III, while those with lower rates
(for the period studied) belong chiefly to strata I and II
(90%).
An interesting aspect in this analysis is the fact that the
best results for almost all the indicators studied, were found
in stratum II municipalities—the ones with the lowest rates
of infant mortality, low birth weight and maternal mortality.
This can be explained by the fact that these municipalities
are in the provincial capitals or near them where the population
has quick access to specialized health centers and, consequently,
lower risk of perinatal complications. Furthermore, these
are municipalities with sustained work in the prevention of
low birth weight and under one year mortality.
In the case of maternal mortality, an irregular distribution
of rates was found, with notable differences in living conditions
among the groups studied, although those differences were
not statistically significant, due to the reduced quantity
of items observed in the strata. This great variability in
maternal mortality is also present at the national level.
In the case of low birth weight, a solid correlation is also
found which demonstrates the impact of low birth weight on
the evolution of children under one year of age and their
greater predisposition to life-threatening complications.
Studies carried out in Cuba
and other countries support this finding.
Conclusions
The existence of differences in living conditions has been
found to have an impact on the health indicators of the population.
In the case of maternal and child health, this becomes more
evident, since these populations are highly sensitive to social
development changes.
In Cuba, in spite of the fact that a clear reduction of socioeconomic
differences among the main regions has been attained, unequal
results are still found In virtue of these findings, it
is necessary to further analyze and identify differences among
territories, as well as the factors that make it possible
to continue reducing such differences.
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