
Aging in Cuba:
Realities and challenges
Alberta Durán Gondar and Ernesto Chávez Negrín
emographic aging is a complex issue of growing interest, complexity and importance worldwide.
As far as we know, this phenomenon does not affect plant and animal populations--or at least does not occur spontaneously, but only in the event that human beings intentionally interrupt their life cycles. Even in human populations, aging is a recent phenomenon, dating from the mid-19th Century when it became possible to control reproduction. (United Nations, 1978.)
Moreover, well-researched socio-demographic studies project that the 21st Century will be the century of aging for the world's population.
Paradoxically, despite the momentous and highly topical nature of this question, there appears to be confusion about the concept of population aging among non-specialists, government organizations and, oftentimes, even among those with a certain level of demographic knowledge.
The first difficulty lies in the definition of population aging itself. Often it is interpreted to refer to an increase in the number of elderly people-people over 60. However, the key element in the definition of population aging is an increase in the proportion of elderly people in the total population, and especially in relation to children and young people under 15. That is, population aging is not just a matter of more older people, but rather is defined by an increase in this segment of the population relative to the population as a whole. (Valentei, D., 1978).
If the degree of population aging could be determined by the number of people over 60, then China and India would be the most aged populations in the world, since theirs are the largest populations and the largest populations of elderly people in absolute terms. However, since population aging is determined by the percentage of people above 60 in a given population, Sweden, Norway and other nations in northern and eastern Europe are the most aged nations in the world.
A second-and more serious-confusion originates from the mistaken notion that a given population ages due mainly to a decrease in the mortality rate and an increase in life expectancy at birth. The renowned US demographer Ansley Coale, in a concise and brilliant article in 1955, demonstrated irrefutably that decreases in mortality have not produced an older population, and that the key factor explaining the notable aging of Western populations is a decrease in fertility rates (Coale, A., n.d.; page 7).
In fact, when a country or region experiences a decrease in mortality, children under five are the main beneficiaries, and to a much lesser degree, the elderly. The reason is that the main achievements in the fight against death thus far have been those related to infectious and parasitic diseases as well as ones of exogenous origin; advances have been more discreet against diseases which are endogenous, chronic, or non-communicable, all these more commonly associated with the elderly.
Therefore, for example, while life expectancy at birth extends from 60 to 75 years-as it has in Cuba over the last four decades-this alone does not imply aging of the population. Just the opposite, in fact: it results in population rejuvenation, since although there is an increase in the number of older people, there is a more significant growth in the number of children and young people.
In fact, if the Cuban population has aged over the last four decades, this has occurred despite the reduction of mortality, and is due instead to lower fertility (birth rates).
Another example: in the last few years Cuban medical teams have offered medical attention free of charge in remote rural areas of many Central American countries and Haiti, all areas with high mortality rates and very low life expectancy at birth. It is clear that mortality rates-especially infant mortality-will decrease in there in the near future. If this is the case, then life expectancy at birth will surely increase by several years. But his will not bring with it an aging of these populations-rather, a decrease in the average age of the population, since many children who once perished will now survive.
However, if such reductions in infant mortality should consolidate as a tendency, then decreases in the birth rates should also be observed over the medium-term, as couples will not need to have as many children to assure that at least some survive to maturity, and this would bring with it a tendency towards aging of the population.
A final example: when, according to the Bible, Herod gave orders to kill all the boys in Bethlehem and its vicinity under two years old, this resulted on the one hand in a sudden increase in infant mortality and, at the same time, a decrease in life expectancy from birth in the Kingdom of Judea. Moreover, there was an increase in population aging, since older people suddenly occupied a greater share of the total population. Thus, it is clear that a relatively high mortality rate in the early stages of life contributes to population aging. A similar effect is seen as a result of a decrease in fecundity rates.
The Aging of the Cuban Population
In
the 20th Century, Cuba's population has become increasingly older,
due to a change in the population's reproductive patterns, a process known
as "demographic transition". During the first half of the 20th
Century, this increase in the proportion of older people was small (from 4.6%
in 1899 to 6.9% in 1953), and remained so from 1953 to 1970 (9.1% in
1970), and until 1990 (A. Durán and E. Chávez, 1997). However, from
1990, the aging of the population has intensified, so that by 1998,
older people constituted 13.6% of the Cuban population (Cuban National Statistics
Office, 1999 "a"). Numerically speaking, in 1899 there were only 72,000
older people in Cuba, while in 1998 the number had grown to over 1,518,000
(Cuban National Statistics Office, 1999 "b").
Currently, urban areas have more elderly
(14.1%); and women represent the greater share of older people in Cuba,
14.1% of whom are already 60 years old.. Elderly
people represent over 15% of the population of Villa Clara, City of Havana
and Sancti Spiritus Provinces. The population of the Isle of Youth
Municipality-deserving of its name-has less than 8% elderly among its population.
In the rest of Cuba's provinces, the numbers fall between these two extremes:
10.5% in Guantánamo Province to 14.6% in Havana Province.
In
the long run, the fact that the fertility rate has remained low since the
late 1970s-and especially in the 1990s-allows us to predict an acute increase
in the aging of the Cuban population in the future. Consequently,
in the year 2015 the proportion of elderly people in Cuba is expected to
be as high as one of every five people; one of every four in 2025; and one
of every three by 2035-a proportion not yet attained in any other country
of the world. This proportion is expected to remain almost invariable
until the year 2050, when, according to current projections, the Cuban population
will include over a million octogenarians, representing almost 10% of the
country's population (CELADE,
1997).
We do not regard such an advanced demographic
aging process as catastrophic. But neither do we do we side with those
who disregard it, or with those who consider it a positive event because
it reflects a population dynamic similar to that of economically developed
countries.
In this sense, we consider two observations
appropriate: first, it is important to remember that many rich countries
experience several negative phenomena such as high rates of contaminating
emissions, traffic accidents, violent crimes, etc. Thus, it is unacceptable
to adopt developed countries' patterns as paradigms without distinguishing
between the beneficial and prejudicial.
It is clearly positive to see that Cuba
has achieved levels of infant mortality similar to those of Western Europe;
yet, we cannot make the same positive comparative assessment for Cuba's
low fertility rate. To congratulate ourselves for such an achievement
would be similar to taking pride in an increase in environmental pollution
or traffic accidents, because such increases would bring us closer to the
patterns of rich nations.
Second, there is growing concern, even in
the European countries, about the future consequences of the aging of their
populations. For instance, according to a recent report from the Center
for Economic Investigations and Business in London, as a result of the aging
of Europe's population, the labor force could begin to decline by the year
2005, and consequently economic growth will be hampered and state pension
and health care programs in near bankruptcy. The same press report cites
the Center for Economic Research and Business' warning that, as a result,
the European Union could experience a major economic crisis whose aftermath
could destabilize governments and cause distortions in the Euro (CNN, 1999).
Turning to Cuba, let us examine the possible
consequences of the tendency towards population aging that we have described.
In the economic field, the consequences
include an accelerated demand for the funds to cover social security expenditures.
In fact, since 1970 funds budgeted for old-age, disability and death benefits
have quintupled. National budget expenditures for social security
are higher than those of any other sector (e.g. education, health, defense,
etc.) (Cuban National Statistics Office, 1999 "c").
At the same time, as the average age of
Cuba's workforce increases over the coming years, we will see a deficit
of workers for labor requiring greater physical effort, especially for agriculture,
construction and industry, among others. Consequently, the main economic
difficulty Cuba faces today-as it did during the colonial period and at
the beginning of the 20th century-is an insufficient workforce.
Another important consequence of population
aging is an increase in the demand for goods and services required by older
people, especially medical services and medications. Although old
age is a natural stage of life and not a pathology in itself, it is also
quite true that especially after 75, people experience greater sensorial
losses and more frequent chronic disorders of both mind and body, all of
which may require prolonged medical treatment (Durán, A. and Chávez, E.,
1998).
Within the family, population aging is associated
with a reduction in the average household size due to low fertility rates
and an increasing number of households with only one or two older people
who live alone.
In accordance with Cuban family tradition,
whenever feasible elder members of the family live in their own homes and
with their own family for as long as possible. However, because a
growing number of older people either never had children or live far from
their offspring, more elderly people live in old-age homes (12,333 in 1997)
(Cuban Ministry of Public Health, N.D.). At least another 5,000 are
waiting to be admitted (Latin American Center for the Elderly, 1996).
Because mortality rates are higher in men,
women often live a good share of their later lives-sometimes over a decade-as
widows. Moreover, women are the ones who most often care for elderly
family members, which overburdens their household chores, especially when
these are not adequately shared by other members of the family (Chávez,
E., 1998).
Characteristics of Population Aging in Cuba
Although
the process of population aging in Cuba is similar to that of other countries,
there are, some distinctive features (Durán, A. and Chávez, E., 1997).
These can be summarized in three main points:
1. Demographic aging in industrialized
countries has coincided with-or at least lagged very little 2. The velocity and intensity of Cuba's
demographic aging process is far greater than that 3. The process of population aging in Cuba
is not occurring in optimal international conditions,
behind--economic development. Thus, these countries
have been able to deal with this
process in conditions quite different from those Cuba
faces today. Among the differences:
experienced by the European countries. While countries
like France, Sweden or Germany
took several decades or over a century to complete their
demographic transition, the
decrease in the fertility rate in Cuba has taken place
much more swiftly: from a rate of 35
births per 1,000 inhabitants in 1964 to 15.4 in 1978.
(Cuban National Statistics Office,
1999 "a"). Since 1978, the fecundity rate does
not guarantee population replacement in the
long run. This tendency has become more acute in the
nineties. If current demographic
patterns remain unchanged over the next few years--especially
the low fertility rate--the
Cuban population is very likely to experience an absolute
and systematic decrease as early
as the year 2015.
but in harsh times of an economic crisis resulting from
the collapse of the European socialist
bloc and the disintegration of the Soviet Union-nations
with which Cuba carried out 85% of
its trade. This situation has been compounded by
the tightening of the U.S. economic,
commercial and financial blockade against Cuba, first
through the Torricelli Act, and later
through the Helms-Burton Act. If the acute aging
of the Cuban population over the next
period were not accompanied by significant economic and
technological development, the
population's standard of living would decline as well
as the country's defense capabilities.
This could become an incentive for the more conservative
sectors of U.S. politicians in their
attempt to reestablish U.S. influence over Cuba.
Some Alternatives for Future Action
In
Cuba, as in all civilized societies, we must work towards increased longevity
for our population, for an acceptable quality of life for the elderly, and
for a more fully able and capable old age.
This does not negate the fact that the intense
process of population aging in Cuba constitutes a real and serious problem
with various and complex consequences for the whole society. Faced with
the challenge of even more rapid aging in the next century, and a population
that will not regenerate itself at current levels, we might consider three
alternatives for action:
It is clear that only the third option offers
a real alternative--if applied within the principles of absolute respect
for individual reproductive rights-since demographic trends have considerable
inertia and are, therefore, hard to modify over the short tun, above all
when reproductive behavior has become tradition.
Moreover, while the Cuban experience indicates
that fertility rates can drop without a specific policy designed to achieve
this goal, it does not seem likely that the opposite will occur spontaneously:
that is, that the fertility rate will recover. Increasing fertility rates
has been very difficult for developed countries, even once they have applied
deliberate and expensive policies with this objective.
We believe that, in Cuba, recovery of the
fertility rate should be attempted, among others, through measures
aimed at reinforcing the family as an institution and a social group.
Such measures should offer greater support to families in the fulfillment
of their functions, thus contributing to their stability, especially in
the case of young families. They should also use public education
and the mass media to promote the optimum of a two-child family.
Perhaps the advent of the 21st
Century will bring new forms of human reproduction such as cloning, or perhaps
other as yet unimaginable techniques, which will change our current concepts
and predictions. However, as long as this is not the case, we believe
the best alternative is to promote "traditional" reproduction methods that
guarantee generational continuity for the future of Cuba's population.
Individual Aging
Socio-psychological
research on older people has advanced further than the study of population
aging. However, the results obtained do not yet offer enough to fully
understand the individual and social needs of old age. One of the starting
points for this would be, for example, to change attitudes such as the use
of pejorative terms to refer to old people like rusty, shriveled with age,
old crock, oldster, etc. as well as doddering, wreck, decrepit, worn
out, senile, and so on.
We have successfully introduced new "milder"
terms such as "third age", "the elderly", "senior citizens" to refer to
older people, terms preferred by some more than others. But we have
not been able to eliminate the general negative and pessimistic sense that
the general population and even some specialists associate with old age,
as the last stage in life.
Moreover, although advances have been made
in biological studies on aging, still little is known about the sociological,
psychological and anthropological characteristics of this age group. And
less even about older age as a stage in personality development, since evolutionary
psychology generally treats this subject through adulthood, at best.
Western societies put a premium on youth.
Maintaining a youthful appearance and dynamic spirit are considered key
to personal success. The aging process among older individuals requires
them to face a series of inevitable "losses": those who once worked now
retire-for some, a time to rest from long and tiring activities; but for
many, a rupture with their personal history. Most older people experience
reduced social contacts, loss of relatives and friends, economic losses,
and diminished social status and self-esteem. All this generates stress
and requires numerous personal and social resources to successfully adjust
to these changes.
A reduction of physical capabilities, which
may be related to health problems, is an inevitable consequence of aging.
For most elderly people, these changes mean they tire more easily when carrying
out daily activities, and they experience a decrease in sensory and motor
capacities. Such physiological changes have a psychological impact
on older people and influence their feelings of wellbeing. Argentinean
poet Baldomero Fernández Moreno described it this way: "old age is
a tiredness that does not disappear the next morning, as we ingenuously
expected upon going to bed".
The individual's response to these losses
depends on their personality. Some accept these realities in a passive-dependent
way; others try to replace the lost roles with new ones-grandparent, neighbor,
member of and organizations, etc., thus becoming involved in new social
activities that both interest them and help them enjoy their free time.
Most specialists emphasize the importance of activity, not only physical
activity, which some have defined as "the road to eternal youth", but also
social activity and active involvement in family and community life.
This undoubtedly helps the aging to find renewed personal meaning for their
lives and to create new expectations of their last years of life.
The individual's response to old age-adjustment,
depression, or confronting and overcoming new problems-depends not only
on personal characteristics, but also on the opportunities offered by society
at all levels: family, community, region, country.
Various "pressures" can influence the degree
of older people's social participation, such as pressures emerging from
changes in their relationship to their environment, including changes in
social roles in the family, at work, regarding economic status or power
relationships. Other pressures may relate to symptoms of physical deterioration-aches
and pains, loss of energy, memory lapses, etc.--and the "awareness... that
the future is limited and death is not only inevitable but is not very far
away." (Kalish, R.A. 1996; p. 122).
Social networks can provide emotional support
for older people, as well as information to help them solve their problems-this
is the so-called strategic support. These networks provide practical
assistance in those cases where the person is unable on their own to accomplish
a task. However, the social interactions in these networks are not only
of an altruistic nature: they can also generate conflicts and lend
themselves to other motivations. Thus, it is particularly important
that each person is analyzed according to their own situation and personality,
and rigid and generalized solutions avoided.
All of the researchers and theoreticians
consulted agree that the family is the main social group in which older
people can be encouraged to carry out different roles. The family
as a social network can become the first step toward their social integration
and participation. It can become "the first resource and the last
refuge" for these people. However, the family can also generate conflicts
or threatening relationships for older people.
In every country, cultural traditions and
the level of socioeconomic and political development establish differences
in family and government responsibility for attention to older people.
In some countries, specialized services for the elderly are expanding, and
in this case the family either feels relieved or replaced, as its responsibilities
are taken over. In other countries, where most older people live on
their own, the family is described as a "modified extended family" where
several nuclear families living apart are nevertheless united by bonds of
affection and maintain frequent social relations in a form that has been
termed "distance intimacy" (Bazo, M.T. 1990). In the Latin American
pattern of family relations, each family looks after their elders when they
need help and only fail to do so in very special situations (Sánchez,
C.D. 1990).
In Cuba, approximately 90% of older people
live with other family members, mainly with their descendants. This
situation, which differs substantially from other countries, results not
only from historic cultural patterns, but also from housing limitations.
There is insufficient housing to allow young people to live on their own
when they start a family. Rather, they are obliged to live in the
nucleus where they were raised, or in the home of a friend or other relative.
Therefore, whatever the cultural pattern, most Cuban elderly people
do not have the opportunity to live alone, even if they wanted to, and over
one third of Cuban families have at least one member who is over 60.
This means that Cuban families are called upon to play a crucial role in
the attention of older people and that further analysis is needed of this
reality. The Cuban family is not simply one of the players
in the elderly's social support system: it is the fundamental source
of support for most elderly.
At the same time, in spite of Cuba's economic
crisis, social security services have been maintained, and pensions paid,
unlike the situation in many other Latin American countries when faced with
crisis. This, plus social assistance support offered to older people, provide
for a certain degree of personal economic independence and satisfaction
of basic daily needs.
Older people in Cuba have access to free
medical care at primary, secondary and tertiary levels, including general
and specialized services. This creates an important sense of security
for these people and their families, who are well aware of the growing needs
for medical assistance in old age. Current efforts to increase the
number of geriatric services and to provide specialized education for family
doctors-who are the mainstay of primary health care-will undoubtedly improve
the quality of these services in the near future.
One important achievement has been that
the general public recognizes and supports the level of attention and specialized
care required by the elderly. Communities carry out projects aimed at ensuring
a better quality of life for their elderly members. Moreover, "community
solidarity" has made an important contribution in terms of spontaneous help
offered among neighbors. However, we believe the precise role of the
family in these community and social projects is not sufficiently concretized.
This constitutes a clear weakness if we consider that most elderly live
with their families.
Outcomes of Sociopsychological Research on Aging
Since
1996, our workgroup has carried out several studies on the relationship between
aging and the family group. We do not yet have all the necessary outcomes
to characterize this complex relationship. However, our initial study
of 60 older people conducted between 1996 and 1997 in six municipalities in
the City of Havana, based on a qualitative approach, resulted in a number
of interesting sociopsychological features. (See: Durán A. and Chávez E.,
1997).
On the one hand, many of these elderly people
did not consider the help they receive from the government as sufficient.
Some of them stated that their pensions were only enough to cover their
most minimal needs, while others found their pensions completely insufficient.
Only a small group was satisfied with their pensions. However, most
of the subjects included in the study said that the elderly suffer economic
hardships due to the due to the current high cost of living.
Many of those interviewed described their
medical care as adequate. But they also described it in curative terms rather
than preventive. Shortages of medical supplies-mainly medicines, eyeglasses,
and hearing aids-plus difficulties in maintaining adequate nutrition and
solvency led many to express insatisfaction.
At the same time, it is clear that more
work needs to be done to increase opportunities for older people to socialize
and relate to new social contexts: in particular, those that would
help develop new personal capabilities and incentives, as well as use their
accumulated experience, knowledge and interests. In our study, few of the
elderly had joined or maintained their membership in Senior Citizens' Clubs;
none was a member of the retirees' clubs created by some trade unions.
Yet, these are the two major social organizations for older people aimed
at developing their interests and social relations.
Leisure time activities, another important
aspect of older people's social participation, are limited to the home,
with few options. The most common ones include watching television
(in most cases) or listening to the radio (less frequent). The vast
majority of our subjects stated that their main leisure activity was "resting
without doing anything" on a daily basis and for longer than they would
like. Those few involved in activities outside their homes participated
in religious services, visited friends and relatives, and joined activities
organized by community groups. In very few cases people referred to
attending sports or cultural events, going on excursions or eating out.
Moreover, many of them stated that they carried out most of their free-time
activities alone. Only rarely did they have company, although many of them
cannot-or do not wish to-carry out these activities by themselves.
Some of these people revealed that they felt lonely by virtue of a lack
of communication, even when accompanied by their relatives.
In fact, the most generalized difficulty
among these people was the lack of adequate interpersonal communication
with relatives regarding their needs. This reaffirms the existence
of a problem that our workgroup has already described: most Cuban families
are not prepared for complex relationships among their members. They
have established positive relations of cooperation and support, but also
relations of power, conflict and intimidation, either in relation to the
older members or provoked by them against the rest of the family.
Thus, our study shows that the family is the main support for older people,
both because of the constant contact it offers as well as the positive significance
of interchanges with children, grandchildren, brothers and sisters.
Yet, in many cases conflicts arise between these elders and the relatives
living with them, sometimes viewed as generational conflicts. There
may also be important interlocutors missing with whom older people would
communicate. And finally, we observe a certain tendency to idealize
relationships with members of the family that do not live with them.
The world lacks sufficient scientific knowledge
about the elderly-either as a social group or as a stage of psychological
development. There is a generalized lack of experience among social
organizations and institutions, and above all within the family, to confront
problems of individual aging and their consequences. Thus, up to now
it has not been possible to formulate strategies that prioritize attention
to the psycho-social needs of these people, which involve various social
actors, including the elderly themselves, without hyperbolizing the role
of medical care.
Many social beliefs regarding old age reveal
prejudices against this age group. According to these beliefs, older
people play a passive-dependent role in society and become objects of social
attention rather that active subjects in their own development. What's
more, only in rare cases in the media are older people portrayed as capable
individuals who contribute to society, images that could change negative
social concepts and offer positive models both for older people and for
other generations.
In our study, some interviewees complained
of scarce representation of older people in social and community organizations
and institutions, and of the lack of formal groups focused on their interests
and that help them put their potential to use.
According to the outcomes obtained thus
far in our study, we also consider the following as characteristic features
of older people in our country:
The limited number of opportunities that
society and the family offer for older people to participate in "productive"
activities, and thus to relate to their social environment, should help
to explain the individual subjectivity of the older people in our study.
The psychological peculiarities expressed in the way they represent their
reality, their moods, the images they use to characterize their individuality,
their expectations of the future and their real capabilities should at the
same time temper the relations of each of these individual personalities
with their environment.
Among the older people we studied, we found
the following characteristic subjective features:
Without trying to impose our views on achieving
an acceptable quality of life for older people, we must conclude that when
most older people have poor opinions about themselves, poor self-esteem,
lack of aspirations and numerous symptoms of depression, they must lack
a sense of personal wellbeing. Perhaps French thinker Blas Pascal
was right when he said three centuries ago: "There is nothing so unbearable
for man as complete rest, with no passion, occupation, distraction or care.
It is then that he perceives his insignificance, his isolation, his insufficiency,
his hollowness."
Challenges of Population and Individual Aging in Cuba
for the 21st Century
In
the context of a comprehensive, stable and sustainable strategy of development,
it is absolutely necessary to promote as soon as possible the establishment
of a demographic policy aimed at achieving a balance between fertility rate
and the rate of migration to other countries. The possibility of changing
current patterns will decrease over time, and leaving them unchanged will
pose a serious risk for Cuba both in the medium and long term. This
demographic policy should be based on absolute respect for the rights
of families and individuals to decide their own future. It also must
take into consideration the need to maintain population and individual aging
rates under constant surveillance through multidisciplinary research in the
field, in order to predict possible consequences.
Attention to older people as a quantitatively
important and qualitatively distinctive social group today-and moreso in
coming years-requires the creation of a national coordinating body with
certain powers under law to centralizes the work of the agencies charged
with this responsibility. Moreover, this also implies the need to
create an institutional mechanism for older people to express their opinions
and defend their personal interests as a population group with special needs
and features.
Taking into consideration that many older
people have scant economic resources in the face of higher costs of living
in Cuba today, and that there is both a need and a wish to open new avenues
for their productive activity--as a contribution both to society and to
their personal fulfillment and self-esteem-it is important to think about
establishing more flexible job regulations for retirees. This might include
working half a day every day, or only twice or three times a week, flextime,
self-employment, and other measures.
In order to improve so-called "formal support"
to the elderly, more specialists in geriatrics and gerontology are needed,
and Family Doctors should receive more preparation to guarantee preventive,
customized and systematic attention to the elderly. The existing Senior
Citizens' Clubs should be revitalized by increasing the social and recreational
options offered for the elderly.
It is important to involve the Committees
for the Defense of the Revolution and the Federation of Cuban Women at the
community level. These organizations can become direct channels for
the solution of older people's needs and for their incorporation into social
activities. Furthermore, it is also important to have the support
of the neighborhood People's Councils for initiatives directed especially
at improving the quality of life for older persons.
A very important aspect of the work in the
community is the development of educational and recreational programs, sports
and cultural events, in which older people can contribute their personal
and professional experience to activities aimed at improving production
and social services in the community, contributing to the education of new
generations and solving their own problems.
For older people to become active and transforming
members of the community, they and those approaching retirement need new
opportunities for learning and developing new potential. For them
to become subjects-rather than the objects-of their own process of socialization
is one of our society's main challenges.
Finally, we think it is important to address
family education where older people live with other generations, in an effort
to involve the elderly in the family's plans and seek new resources for
better intergenerational communication and living.
Considering the family as a mainstay in
social policies for "informal" attention to the elderly, and as the main
protagonist in the socialization of older people goes beyond designating
the family as "caregivers" of the elderly. The dynamics of family
relations can have a more positive or negative impact on older people's
individual development, but reducing the family to mere helpers of the aging
generalizes the image of older people as incapable, a description that the
majority of them neither want nor deserve. Arriving at an older age is a
privilege that our society offers to today's younger generations; therefore,
our elders deserve to fully and creatively enjoy the life that many generations
of Cubans have built for them. Consequently, there is a growing need
for scientific and social resources to help us understand, accept and transform
old age into period of continued social contribution corresponding
with the humanistic ideals of Cuban society.
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*This is an original article for MR by two specialists at the Center for Psychological and Sociological Research. For more on this theme by the same authors, see their piece in the magazine TEMAS,
"Una sociedad que envejece: retos y perspectivas", No. 14, April-June, 1998.
